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新西兰对帮派和帮派相关暴力的担忧仍然存在 highly politicised. 政府部长们不断受到媒体的监督和政治压力, 双方都试图在犯罪问题上表现得比对方更坚定. 问题在于,这些争论往往缺乏历史、背景或远见.

每一代人都会时不时地对犯罪感到恐慌,尤其是涉及到帮派和青少年时. 新西兰最早的例子之一是在1842年,当时123名男性青少年被 transported from Parkhurst Prison in England began roaming the streets of Auckland.

尽管警察局长要求禁止进一步驱逐的请求被接受, the country realised it had a problem.

接下来的几年里引入了新的立法,比如旨在 deal with “vagabonds and rogues” (including the particularly troublesome “incorrigible” ones). 这与旨在保护公共秩序和关押罪犯的一般性法律重叠.

Crime did not stop, but it did evolve. It was recognised as “organised” in the 1920s, well before the first post-WWII counterculture emerged. 但20世纪50年代年轻人的行为震惊了整个国家,以至于一个专门的委员会Moral Delinquency in Children and Adolescents” was established. 它关于青少年性道德的调查结果被张贴到全国的每个家庭.

It was not a huge success. 到20世纪50年代末,奥克兰大约有41个“牛奶吧牛仔”团伙,惠灵顿有17个. By the early 1960s, 像Mongrel Mob和地狱天使新西兰分会这样经久不衰的品牌开始扎根.

Six decades of a growing challenge

Since then, politicians have swung left and right, wielding sticks and then carrots to deal with the issue. As we examine in our recent book, People, Power, and Law: a New Zealand History, 政府的反应已从让孤立的部门参与,转向由多个重叠的机构从战略和整体上处理这一问题.

There has also been a plethora of legislation. As well as the continually evolving criminal law, 从坚固的房屋到犯罪收益的追回,都有相关的法律, through to the prohibition of gang patches in public spaces.

While the practicality of many of these laws is questionable, the fundamental point is that none has stemmed the tide. Gang membership reached about 2,300 by 1980. It  took nearly 35 years to reach just under 4,000 in 2014, but then only seven years before the numbers doubled again to 8,061 in 2021.

Gang members are over-represented in crime statistics. As of mid-2021, 2,938 people in prison 有帮派背景,大约占监狱人口的35%.

In many ways, 这些人加入帮派的原因与帕克赫斯特的男孩们在19世纪40年代初聚在一起的原因相似:疏离, identity, purpose, respect, friendship,  excitement, security and even economic opportunity.

Drugs and gangs

But today’s gangs are not the same. Their scale, methods and social impact (especially overseas) have all changed. They’ve become mobile, transnational enterprises worth an estimated 1.5% of global GDP.

The ever-expanding 非法麻醉品的全球供求对世界各地都有影响. Although New Zealand Customs’ illegal drug take was down during the pandemic在美国,总体趋势是查获数量增加,离岸供应商多元化.

Drugs are obviously attractive to gangs. In the first quarter of 2021、甲基苯丙胺、MDMA和可卡因通过非法分销净赚约7700万新西兰元.

The previous quarter was even higher, with about $8.5 million generated every week. 据估计,新西兰每年消费的74吨大麻加起来可能是 $1.5 billion to the total.

A bipartisan approach

要解决如此规模的问题,需要从战略上转变,不要把有组织犯罪集团当作党派政治游戏来对待. 这是一个跨代际的挑战,理想情况下应该是跨党派的问题.

实现这一目标的一种方法是通过一部新的框架法律,鼓励无论哪届政府执政,始终专注于有组织团体的非法活动. 它应该从详细回顾法律上哪些做法有效,哪些做法无效开始, socially and culturally.

然后就需要有一种商定的政治问责制度,针对已知和透明的目标和指标. 但是,旨在阻止和惩罚犯罪活动的法律和政策也必须放在更广泛的背景下看待.

The law does not exist in a vacuum. 有组织犯罪受害者的权利应得到明显加强. 结社自由和不受群体身份歧视的权利需要协调.

We also need to accept that gangs will not simply disappear. 应在共同合法项目上找到合作领域. 帮助人们安全离开有组织犯罪组织将是另一个优先事项.

也许最关键的目标将是减缓帮派招募. Of course, 这是一项超越任何单一政策或计划的根本挑战——创造一个包容的社会, 成为合法公民的机会和好处超过了其他选择.The Conversation

Alexander Gillespie, Professor of Law, University of 凯时k66平台 and Claire Breen, Professor of Law, University of 凯时k66平台

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.